How communal forces have eaten into Mumbai
For a city which has seen so much bloodletting in recent years, it is rather strange that Mumbai's elite still gets shocked every time the city erupts into another bout of mob violence. Let's get this clear: since the terrible 1992-93 riots - a turning point in the life of the city in which over 900 people were killed and more than 2000 injured - more people have died in street violence and terror attacks in Mumbai than any other metropolis in the country.
Which is why the recent violence in which two people were killed and several others injured in street protests by Muslim groups should not come as any surprise. Mumbai has been sitting on a tinderbox for years now. There are, in fact, parallels between 1992 and 2012 that suggest little has changed in the past two decades. The first wave of mob fury in December 1992 was much like the violence at Azad Maidan this time. If in 2012, the Assam violence became the trigger point, in 1992 the demolition of the Babri Masjid sparked off the angry outburst. In both instances, the battelines were pitched as Muslims versus the police, with the men in khakhi being singled out as representatives of a biased state machinery while the media this time suffered 'collateral' damage.
The 1992-93 violence sparked off a frenzied counter-reaction led by the Shiv Sena and tore the city apart on communal lines. Mercifully, admirable restraint shown by the police this time brought the situation under control before it could escalate further, but the danger signs are all there. In fact, in 1992-93, there was a certain spontaneity to the initial protests by Muslim groups while in 2012 one notices a more organised pattern of behaviour that is even more troubling. There is now a deadly mix of radical religious minority groups and their political patrons along with criminal-terror mafias that must worry the security agencies. In 1992-93, the underworld did play a nefarious role in the violence; 20 years later, even more deadly weaponry is floating with Islamic terror outfits, well beyond what a D company gang once possessed.
If radical Muslim groups are now better organised, then so are their Hindu counterparts. The Shiv Sena may have split, but its propensity for violence remains undiminished. The competitive politics between the Sena and the MNS has only resulted in more acts of thuggery. New 'enemies' like the North Indian migrant have been found even while old foes like the stereotypical Bhendi Bazaar Muslim continue to be targeted. The emergence of 'Hindu terror' groups with links across the country is even more worrying as it has the potential to spiral into a cycle of revenge and counter vendetta.
Trapped in the cross-fire is an increasingly impotent and, dare one say, compromised state. In the last 20 years, the Maharashtra political class which once flirted with criminal gangs has now come to be openly identified with them. It is no secret that the state in the Congress-NCP years has been run by a politician-real estate baron-criminal mafia nexus that has left it susceptible to the slightest pressure. Even the presence of a upright chief minister like Prithviraj Chavan has done little to arrest the sharp decline in political morality.
An immediate casualty of the declining moral authority of the state has been the quality of policing. Police officers are often not promoted on merit, but on loyalty to a politician, a trend which has only further affected the morale of the police leadership. The beat constable in many instances is sympathetic to the Sena ideology and cant always separate his role as law enforcer from his political affiliations.
Indeed, both majority and minority communities appear to have lost faith in the criminal justice system. The manner, in which the Justice Srikrishna report inquiring into the 1992-93 riots was literally thrown into the dustbin of history by the BJP-Sena government when it came to power in 1995, convinced most minorities in Mumbai that the state will not act against the Sena leadership. The Senas have taken law into their own hands on several occasions, each time a few footsoldiers are arrested but the leadership is untouched. Equally true is the fact that no minority group leader with political influence is likely to be charged with inciting violence because of cynical vote bank politics. After the Azad Maidan violence, a handful of people were arrested but the masterminds continue to be protected.
The result is an ever-widening communal divide and a creeping 'ghettoisation' of the city. In a well-researched book, 'Riots and after in Mumbai', author Meena Menon documents a series of stories of how the 1992-93 riots led to large scale displacement and people moving out of mixed neighbourhoods in search of safety. There have always been distinct Hindu and Muslim areas in Mumbai, but now the boundary lines are firmer and the polarisation even more irreversible. Even in slum pockets where once economic bonds weakened religious animosities, there are now invisible 'borders' that often determine access to scarce resources.
In a sense, the Azad Maidan violence is another wake-up call for a state in stupor. For much too long it has played a dangerous game of running with the 'secular' hare while hunting with the 'communal' hound. The time for course correction is now: only a policy of zero tolerance towards all those who take the law into their own hands, irrespective of religious affiliation, can save cities like Mumbai from further catastrophe.
Post-script: There is one other difference between 1992-93 and 2012. Then there were no OB vans and TV cameras which could play out the violence in 24x7 real time. Nor was there an uncontrolled social media as a purveyor of hate speech and wild rumour. In many ways, we live in even more challenging times.
More about Rajdeep SardesaiRajdeep Sardesai is the Editor-in-Chief, IBN18 Network, that includes CNN-IBN, IBN 7 and IBN Lokmat. He comes with 22 years of journalistic experience during which he has covered some of the biggest stories in India and the world. Prior to setting up the IBN network, he was the Managing Editor of both NDTV 24X7 and NDTV India and was responsible for overseeing the news policy for both the channels. He has also worked with The Times of India for six years and was the city editor of its Mumbai edition at the age of 26. During the last 22 years, he has covered major national and international stories, specialising in national politics. He has won numerous other awards for journalistic excellence, including the prestigious Padma Shri for journalism in 2008, the International Broadcasters Award for coverage of the 2002 Gujarat riots and the Ramnath Goenka Excellence in Journalism Award for 2007. He has won the Asian Television Award for best talk show for the Big Fight on two occasions and his current flagship show on CNN-IBN, India at 9, has been awarded the best news show at the Asian awards for the last two years. He has been News Anchor of the year at the Indian Television Academy for seven of the last eight years and won more than 50 awards in this period. He has also been the President of the Editors Guild of India, the only television journalist to hold the post and was chosen a Global leader for tomorrow by the world economic forum in 2000. An alumni of St Xavier's College, Mumbai, he has done his Masters and LLB from Oxford University and has also played first class cricket for the Oxford University team. He has contributed to several books and writes a fortnightly column that appears in seven newspapers.
- + The striking similarities of Modi and Indira's politics
- + AAP and the business of Delhi-centric news
- + Both 1984, 2002 a blot but conviction better in Gujarat
- + Cometh the anti-establishment neta
- + Can Arvind Kejriwal avoid a repeat of the 1989 VP Singh phenomena?
- + India is changing and it's in the positive direction
- + Arvind Kejriwal-AAP success has many lessons for Rahul Gandhi
- + Kejriwal and Modi: Agents of change promising too much, too soon
- + Don't ban opinion polls, but bring in a code of conduct for pollsters