Pakistan: Beyond the Crisis State

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Since Pakistan has been in the eye of the storm, many books are being published on the future of the state. Not many are objective while others are overly subjective. In a book 'Pakistan - Beyond the Crisis State' by eminent scholars edited by Dr Maleeha Lodhi, a sincere attempt has been made to set the record straight. The contributor and compiler of the book Dr Maleeha Lodhi needs no introduction. She made her mark in journalism, academic life and as an ambassador too. Her own analysis in the book makes it an interesting reading.

The book is timely and helps the readers to understand -- to a great extent -- how we have slipped into the eye of the storm. Despite what the doomsayers have been forecasting about the future of Pakistan, the message of hope in the book dispels most of the apprehensions about Pakistan being a failed our failing state. It recasts Quaid's words: "If hope is lost, all is lost." Indeed, hope is our last straw. 

With the advent of democratic government in 2008 following long decades of extra-constitutional and Praetorian interventions - it seems that notwithstanding the teething troubles - we are on our way to reverting to Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah's vision of an egalitarian, progressive, politically secular, tolerant Pakistan. As envisaged by the founding fathers, Pakistan is on its way to guarantee to all its citizens Islamic socio-economic justice and equality irrespective of caste, creed, colour or gender.

In her essay Maleeha has spelled five factors that she thinks are pivotal to understanding Pakistan and its current challenges. She has identified firstly asymmetry between the political and non-political institutions in the country. The second factor is Pakistan's politics since its birth when feudal dominating order and culture ran the country. I wish she had mentioned about the troika comprising military, judiciary and civil bureaucracy that set us on the wrong track and derailed Mr Jinnah's democratic vision. The third factor has been our reliance on what is rightly termed as "borrowed growth" which was and is responsible for our economic woes. Geography has been the fourth factor which determines Pakistan's importance in the regional and international context. And the fifth factor concerns our national security goals and the role of outside powers and persistence of centrifugal forces in the country. 

I would like to reiterate that in our chequered history political forces - especially through sacrifices in blood rendered by martyred Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, his daughter Benazir Bhutto and millions of others -- have played a vital role in saving the country from the clutches of scavengers - summer soldiers and sunshine patriots -- by challenging dictatorships and never surrendering to it. It is ironic that historians and political analysts have extensively written about the failure of political institutions in the country. However, they have conveniently or deliberately ignored the valiant struggle of the political forces which challenged praetorian regimes and their so-called intellectual supporters and pen-pushers assigned to the task of painting black everything democratic. Therefore, while these dictatorial regimes claimed external legitimacy for themselves by those who were willing to justify evil on the ground of their geo-strategic expediencies, domestic legitimacy was brutally allowed to be jackbooted by western countries that long professed to make world safe for democracy. 

Secondly, the present independence of media is indebted to the long drawn struggle of the journalists who fought for the freedom of expression from the days of Pakistan's inception. I am sure many of us who had been through the mill would recall those gory days when media and journalists in Pakistan were subjected to third degree methods by dictators. I distinctly recall what we went through especially under Zia's martial law.

Sacrifices in blood, toil and tears by journalists then have yielded today in the fruits of free media - to some extent - unbridled expression. Some of the media groups instead of respecting hard-earned freedom are abusing it to superimpose on themselves the role of being the sole arbiter of power rather than let it be the domain of an elected Parliament. Thirdly, of late -- as a corollary to the emergence of enormous corporate sector the civil society too has mushroomed in the country replacing trade unions, student unions and other professional groups that used to serve as checks and balances and safe-guarded their professional rights. Now NGOs - some genuine and some not so genuine - with outside linkages -- do take up issues of public interest but then there are instances when you see lawyers garland the killers of martyred Salman Taseer. 

I am glad that contributors to the book are able to collate all important issues. The selection of authors of various chapters and their relevance to the contemporary issues has made the book worthwhile to read in order to understanding Pakistan-in my view the most misunderstood country. The book and its contributors have succeeded in challenging the myth of a "failing" or "failed" state as frequently churned out by doomsayers. I am sure intellectuals such as Stephen Cohen would not be happy with the prognosis of this book because it directly challenges the thesis presented by Cohen in his book 'Idea of Pakistan'. This pessimism about Pakistan is not limited to Cohen; there are few other scholars who have unfortunately taken upon themselves to discredit anything relating to Pakistan.

Nevertheless relevant issues have been dealt with immense professionalism and demolish those myths which portray Pakistan in bad light. I must say that Dr. Meekal Ahmad's emphasis on macroeconomic stability and an export-led growth would make a solid recommendation to the government while dealing with present economic difficulties. I must add here that the democratic government is often accused of corruption, bad economic management, growing radicalisation and serious law and order problems in the country. These are serious issues that require serious, frank responses and candid debate. As regards corruption, this term is lavishly used in Pakistan. During the 90s the two governments each of Benazir Bhutto and Mian Nawaz Sharif were dismissed on the charges of corruption, but without any proof. Even now, no proof has been given in any case of corruption. Whatever is said is based on personal likes and dislikes. Courts in the country are free to prosecute the guilty. The democratic government would not only obey the courts' judgments but would also take action against the culprits as is seen recently.

However, before being declared guilty, the media trial should stop. It is incumbent upon our courts to take action against those who indulge in media trials. On bad economic management, neutral observers would bear out the fact that the present government inherited an Augean stables from the previous rulers.  It has from the very beginning followed strict economic discipline and agreed to IMF conditionalities in order to correct economic imbalances left as a legacy of the past. 

However, the situation is looking encouraging now with highest foreign exchange reserves ($17.50 billion); highest remittances by overseas Pakistanis ($ 12 billion); over 10% rise in exports ($12 Billion in  first six months) with the expectation that by the end of current financial year (30 June) exports would reach $24 billion, and;  a bullish Karachi Stack Exchange with trade index reaching 12000 points for the past 18 months which shows growing investor confidence in doing business with Pakistan. These landmark achievements are no small feat if seen in the context of terrorist thereat, energy crisis and devastating floods which Pakistan has been grappling with. One hopes that with better access to the US and European markets, our economy will perform even better. 

I tend to agree with the prognosis in the book of a fast emerging middle class in the country which is a good omen for the future of the country. I am confident that an uninterrupted democratic order is a panacea to country's long-festering problems. I feel proud to say that despite media's negative perception about Pakistan, there have been many positive developments which did not attract much attention but merit mention here with a view to allay apprehensions about Pakistan. At the national level, the government has succeeded in forging provincial harmony which was dented during the dictatorial rule; passage of 18th and 19th amendments in the constitution to restore the federal parliamentary structure in letter and spirit is a major success of the present government. Similarly, we have consolidated our gains in Balochistan in promoting harmony in the province despite foreign intervention to instigate unrest. We can proudly say that in Pakistan today there are no political prisoners or political victimisation.

Therefore, any talk of instability in the country or a threat to its integrity is not only an exaggeration but an exercise to malign Pakistan. This must stop. The present day Pakistan is capable of tackling all sorts of challenges whether internal or external. We have confidence in our institutions and the resilience of our people. I am glad that this is also the message in the book, 'Pakistan: Beyond the Crisis State'. 

Last but not the least, most of the contributors to the book are heavyweights who have dealt their subjects sitting in air-conditioned ivory towers and do not have much relevance to their roots and the people of Pakistan. It is easier than done to be critical of the problems faced by the people and our failure to resolve them. What we need are brains that can give us solutions and not doubly confound the confusion.